Response to Reviews
    Barbara Dianne Savage 
              
        Professor of History, Geraldine R. Segal Professor of American Social  Thought
    
      University of Pennsylvania 
    
    All writers need readers if the books we write are to have  lives of their own.  Thanks to the close  attention and astute critiques of Professors Jennings, Sanders, and Dorman, I  have that rare opportunity to remind myself of where and how the book began, what  I hoped it would contribute, and what remains to be done (and what I was unable  to do).  I am especially grateful to this  forum because I see this book as being primarily about black southerners.
      
      When I remember the beginnings of this project, now a decade  ago, I recall my trepidation in entering a field in which I was not  trained.  That is, as a scholar and  teacher of twentieth century African American history, my primary interests are  in political and cultural history, with particular attention to the  relationship between black intellectuals and activists and the masses of people  they often claim to represent.  My first  book explored that in the unlikely context of radio programming on race  relations during the World War II era, permitting me to examine the shifting  conflicts between black people, the mass media, and the federal  government.  More than that, the book chronicled  the search for an institutional basis for black political power in an era of  enlarging institutional forces.
      
      It was in the end stages of that book that I found recurring  evidence in the late 1940s of the idea that black churches were insufficiently  political and disengaged from public duties to “the race.”  As a child of the civil rights movement, and  someone who had imbibed its familiar narrative of religion and politics, I was  surprised to find that concern expressed so closely to the 1950s.  So it began, a search backwards to see how  ideas about the nexus between black politics and black religion – what that  relationship was and what it ought to be – had evolved, or as historians are  required to do, how those ideas changed over time.  For me, this was a story about the continuing  search for a politically potent black-controlled institution before, during,  and after the civil rights movement.
      
      I read my way into the field of black religious studies, not  just in the contemporary period, but retreating to the canonical works in the  field as both primary and secondary sources for the debates I wanted to  chronicle.  Increasingly interested in  the lives of the intellectuals and scholars I was studying, I also became painfully  aware of the differences in the circumstances under which they wrote and taught  – and the relatively luxurious circumstances under which I now was able to  study them.  The immediate conundrum for  me, however, was the way in which their focus on clerical leadership and its  flaws neglected attention to the people in the pews, specifically the women who  constituted the majority and the driving force in the churches being studied.  
      
      If I stayed within the traditional definition of  “intellectual” and the standard locations of “ideas,” I would be replicating  that conundrum in my own work, especially if I focused only on people  privileged to write books.  Black women  intellectuals and activists rarely had that opportunity in the periods I was  studying, but they were prolific writers, speakers, and organizers; they had  their own ideas as well on contemporary issues of the day, including on black  religion and politics.  During my work on  a collaborative book on women, religion and the African diaspora, I had come to  appreciate the importance of “lived religion;” I wanted in this book to include  women who “lived” out their intellectual ideas, sometimes in print but as often  in lives of service and commitment.
      
      So the divisions within the book reflect the evolution in my  own thinking.  The first two chapters are  more traditional intellectual history but raise questions about the sociology  of knowledge or about power and knowledge.   The exploration of Bethune, Burroughs, and Mays use the narrative arc of  their long lives to capture the key political and religious debates of their  times.  The chapter on memoirs was  written with my students in the mind; that is, I wanted them to “hear” from people  of their own age who joined the movement and its southern black religious  culture.  Little did I know that then-Presidential  candidate Barack Obama would capture their young imaginations so fiercely or  that he and Rev. Jeremiah Wright would walk into a story I felt I was already  telling.  So a planned epilogue on black  theology evolved into a final chapter on the Obama/Wright controversy instead.  There was no teleological plan to reach that  moment; it just intruded in the middle of copyediting.  Books not only have their own lives, but book  writing does, too.
      
      Now on to the reviews themselves.  Taken together, all three reviewers generously  and gracefully point out the most salient parts of the book; in other words,  they “get” what I was trying to do, thanks to their close and attentive  readings.  For me, the primary audience  for this book – much to my editor’s regret – remains students and teachers,  whether in colleges or seminaries or within religious institutions or wherever  thoughtful people gather and argue with one another.  I wanted this to be a teaching book; it is  written in an accessible style because that is the way I think, and if that  works for a general (and patient) reader, all the better.
      
      I most wanted the book to be a contribution to the field of  study that has welcomed me, African American religious history.  Out of necessity and with authorial license,  I raised some questions that I could not answer and ignored others as reflected  in the excellent comments on “the margins.”   Yes, yes, and yes again; yet I wanted to pay attention to the black Baptist  and Methodist traditions precisely because of their hegemonic influences on how  we think about the rich panoply of black religious beliefs, cultures,  organizations, and theologies.  Whenever  I speak about the book, I am always asked “what about ‘the Muslims’ or  Islam?”  Truly synthetic and  comprehensive work on twentieth century black religious history – and mine lays  no claim to that – should challenge even the tropes of “center” and “margin” in  the same way that we have moved away from notions about “cults and sects.”  I look forward to that work as eagerly as  anyone and I hope that this book can be helpful to the scholar or scholars who  undertake it.
      
      My book has been mentioned in recent public debates about  the continued relevancy of black churches.  I spent way too many hours of my childhood and  my adult life in churches full of black people to ever claim or imply that that  these institutions are a mere “construction.”   What I did argue is that “the black church” is an intellectual and  political cliché that always obscures more than it reveals.  I advised caution and suspicion when that  term is used to evoke a monolith that does not exist.
      
      Is “the black church” dead?   In the Wizard of Oz, when the munchkins sang “Ding dong the  Wicked Witch is dead,” they were relying on the evidence right in front of  their eyes.  Yet, by every measure, all  of the facts point to the persistent growth and vitality of black churches,  including a recent Pew Research Center survey on religion and public life.  So what gives with that claim?  Nothing that would be otherwise newsworthy if  we were not now living in an age of “pseudo-events,” a term that Daniel  Boorstin presciently coined in 1961 to define staged controversies that  masquerade as news and then as reality.  It  was then as now easier to attract popular attention by making  over-simplifications than by doing the harder work of engaging historical and  contemporary realities with rigor and specificity.
      
      Much remains to be done on both the possibilities and the  restraints which religious belief and practices bring to black communities and  their political engagements.  To diminish  that reality through hyperbole does a disservice to those millions of black people  for whom religious belief and faith remain alive, well, and real.  Then again, these recent debates are  themselves yet another example of the persistence of the politics of black  religion.  
Thanks again to Professors  Jennings, Sanders, and Dorman for their careful engagement with my work and for  their continued scholarly pursuits of our shared interests.
  
Volume XII, Table of Contents